If you asked your neighbor or family of policies they all like without referencing political party or ideology, I will guarantee you that most people will be identified as Liberals. I have actually done an empirical test of this sort in my very conservative neighborhood. I casually discuss policies from a completely nonpolitical stance and observe that the policies that they want, expect, or depend on are that of liberals.
The 1980 election that brought Ronald Reagan to power also swept out a bloc of liberal champions — George McGovern, Birch Bayh, Frank Church, Warren Magnuson, Gaylord Nelson, Jacob Javits — who had spent a generation or more advancing progressive causes. The washout swept the ground from under the liberal wing of the Democratic Party, planting the seed that would grow into the idea that Democrats’ path to power lies through the center. A generation of New Democratic centrism would follow, personified by Birch’s son, Evan, who took the lesson to heart and ran far from his father’s liberal legacy when he entered politics.
In 2010, a handful of House Democrats have an opportunity to prove that maxim wrong and to demonstrate that even in a tough year, by standing up for core progressive values, a Democrat can win a tough race.
Tom Perriello in Virginia, Carol Shea-Porter in New Hampshire, Alan Grayson in Florida, Mary Jo Kilroy in Ohio and John Hall in New York all represent swing districts and have cast votes that Washington consultants label "tough." Those tough votes, though, are paying off in unexpected ways: By bucking the conventional wisdom, the progressive Democrats have locked down support among their base and are winning over independents, while Blue Dogs face a dispirited electorate unsure what they stand for.
Having solid progressives in Congress does far more than give the party an extra vote. The effect they have on other members is hard to quantify but can have real results. Without Grayson, for instance, it’s virtually certain that Congress wouldn’t have approved a broad audit of the Federal Reserve — over the objections of the administration.
If Grayson and other progressives are defeated in November, it sends a signal that standing up for progressive values is at best politically useless and at worst costs a politician at the polls. But if progressives survive, while Blue Dogs are wiped out, the opposite message will be sent: The path to victory requires standing for something.
Progressive groups have seized on the symbolic importance of these races. "As progressives, it’s our job to show political incentive and genuine support for the folks who have not just led on the issues that matter to most Americans, but who have stood up to the corporate elites and their lobbyists who all too often run the show in Washington," said Ilyse Hogue of MoveOn.org, which is raising money to support Democrats it calls "progressive heroes." "If we don’t, we’ll lose more than just some races; we’ll lose the core principle that democracy works best when elected representatives respond to the needs of their constituents and that organizing power can actually restore some balance to our corporate-tilted government."
MoveOn’s effort to raise money for its progressive heroes pulled in pledges of a million dollars and 100,000 hours of volunteer time over a single day this week. Democracy for America, a progressive group whose roots stretch back to the Dean campaign, allowed million-plus members to vote on which candidates deserve the honor of full DFA support: Grayson and Sen. Barbara Boxer of California won.
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"There’s no ‘enthusiasm gap’ for Democrats who stand up and lead," said Jim Dean, chair of DFA. "That’s why Alan Grayson and Barbara Boxer earned DFA’s support. These Democrats don’t back down when pressured by corporate lobbyists or attacked by Tea Party Republicans."
Darcy Burner, head of the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC, said that "the backlash this year hasn’t been against incumbents, and it hasn’t been against Democrats: it’s been against corporate sell-outs. Voters want representatives with actual values… But too many people in DC haven’t gotten the message — so we need to send it again."
The Progressive Change Campaign Committee, whose acronym PCCC sets it up as a liberal version of the DCCC, is raising money and providing infrastructure for progressive candidates. The PCCC and its lobbying arm the P Street Project work closely with progressive House members, using its donor base to encourage other Democrats in Congress to move in a progressive direction.
